tunity)这类社区重置计划,其设计宗旨是将低收入家庭联结到“社会化与富裕程度较高社会网络”。而事实上,很多穷人都不乏向上流动人脉。粗略计算,密尔沃基每六名租房者中,就有名虽然住在弱势社区,但人脉却能辐射至身处不那弱势社会网络人。不过光是跟中产阶级有某种联系是不够。或许是“社会资本”研究方兴未艾,许多学者倾向把认识有钱有权者等有利于社会化(prosocial)人际关系,想象成是种可以“拥有”东西、种可以变现资源。但拿司科特状况来说,这些人脉究竟能否派上用场,还得视你本事而定。关于为打击“社会孤立”而设置社会方案,参见美国住房与城市发展部MovingtoOpportunityforFairHousingDemonstrationProgram:FinalImpactsEvaluation(Washington,DC:OfficeofPolicyDevelopmentandResearch,2011);USDepartmentofHousingandUrbanDevelopment,Mixed-IncomeHousingandtheHOMEProgram(Washington,DC:OfficeofPolicyDevelopmentandResearch,2003)。有关空间孤立(住宅区贫民窟化)会造成社会孤立(人脉网贫民窟化)经典理论,参见WilliamJuliusWilson,TheTrulyDisadvantaged:TheInnerCity,theUnderclass,andPublicPolicy,2nded.(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2012[1987]);DouglasMasseyandNancyDenton,AmericanApartheid:SegregationandtheMakingoftheUnderclass(Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1993)。关于邻里与人脉弱势细致分析,参见MatthewDesmondandWeihuaAn,“NeighborhoodandNetworkDisadvantageamongUrbanRenters,”SociologicalScience2(2015):329-
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